The Foreign Policy Relations Between the US and Sudan

Since the early 1980s, successive famines deal impoverished the north; civil war and famine get under one's skin devastated the south; violence and instability have become far-flung; prices for its staple exports have fallen; official debt has burgeoned; and, in late years, there has been a growing antipathy on the fate of northern donors.

Sudan's population of approximately 30 million includes much than 600 ethnic groups with no case-by-case group in the majority, although deuce-ace predominate: more(prenominal) than 40 percent of its people are Sudanese Arabs, a nonher 11 percent are Dinka, and 8 percent are Nuba. The agreement of 41 percent is so diverse that it al near cannot be charted. Civil war has had a devastating effect on the population; in the 10 years between 1983 and 1993, the population in the south of the expanse has declined by more than 1.7 million, and the U.S. Committee for Refugees estimates than 1.3 million have been casualties of war. The marrow for Disease Control reported on the death monetary value in three southern camps for 1992 through early 1993. half of these deaths were from starvation. In addition, the severe undernourishment among children in the camps was "among the highest ever documented." veridical population losses in the war are as well the result of the displacement of refugees into northern Sudan and across the southern borders.

The largest single religious group in Sudan is Sunni Mu

As the formal economy and hence the opportunities for legitimate wealth creation declined, the local transfer of assets from weak to politically well ethnic groups began to gather momentum . . . In [southern Sudan], and more tardily in the north, the restriction of food aid has been followed by the change magnitude use of violence as a means of calculate appropriation . . . a pretext to loot.

Africa Watch. New Islamic jurisprudence Violates Basic Human

Regional factionalism has intensified the destructive power of already existing natural cycles. Southern Sudan has "at best, only a subsistence economy intermittently disrupted by floods, droughts, and disease. The precarious balance with the environment . . . has been upset by war.

" War has diverted most of the south's already minimal resources--food and water, medicine and manpower--from sustaining an existence scratched out by Sudanese tribes in the southern desert. As modern communications have focused international attention much more closely than in previous eras on widescale disasters in aloof parts of the world, such disasters have seemed to multiply before the gist of the cameras. Indeed, Duffield argues that rebels and established governments alike have learned to turn what he terms "permanent emergencies" to their advantage. He writes, "Since the 1980s, an important aspect of the wise global interdependence that is emerging has been the increasing frequency of large-scale, conglomerate disasters [that] are often highly politicized." He goes on to propose, "From a political perspective, not only is it unnecessary for famine to be natural or the result of market failure, it need not even be temporary if its continuation is advantageous to the powerful."

The U.S. maintain Department has strongly criticized Sudan's outrageous record in traffic with prisoners, women, children, non-Muslims, foreign nationals, and other ordinary civilians. While this criticism has not received widespread publicity, it h
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